In relation to the battle of the Bosphorus three account books or registers exist in the Genoese State Archives which relate to this engagement; one is the register of the treasurers of Paganino Doria’s fleet, Dario Imperiale and Domenico di Villanucio who seem to have made up most of the register while based at Pera. At this date the union of crowns was personal with each realm possessing different systems of government. Meale, C.M., ‘The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye and mercantile literary culture in late medieval London’, in J. Boffey and P. King (eds), London and Europe in the Later Middle Ages, London, Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 1995. His account of a raid on a Cornish village makes clear how much success depended on surprise. The treaty, however, which ended hostilities, was due as much to the use of skilled negotiators by Venice and the internal situation in Genoa as any victory; it was enough for the city to have survived.22 The terms of the treaty, although granting important concessions to the king of Hungary in Dalmatia, left the conflict with Genoa over trading bases in Romania as unresolved as ever; Tenedos was not to be fortified and neither Venetians nor Genoese were to trade with Tana for two years. No fleet, no vessel could stay long in a seaworthy condition in our period without the support of some form of repair slip or dock. Certain forests were reserved for its use especially near Trevigno. 30–1. Before this period, naval interventions that bore real fruit seem almost accidental. From the long term strategic point of view, minor tinkering like this with the conditions under which each state operated in the area was almost irrelevant. cit., p. 9. 9 The chronicle of Antonio Morosini contains much material from these reports. II, The Kingdom of Jerusalem, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1965. Exchequer L.T.R. 9 H.E. 20–9. Some were opportunistic with individual sea captains preying on commerce for their own profit. Robson has described this as, ‘at once the index and the guarantee of national prosperity’.39 In a letter to his heir John in 1380, Peter himself wrote, ‘If we lose Sardinia, you can be sure that Majorca will be lost too’.40 The importance of an effective navy to these possessions of the house of Aragon largely lay in keeping open lines of communication and transporting land forces. Battles in the open sea were certainly hardly a realistic possibility given the design of the vessels in use and the difficulties of finding the enemy. The doge Domenico Michiel who, according to the chronicler, marshalled his ships into two groups with the heaviest vessels in the van, commanded this squadron. The way in which fire can spread out of control recalls the fate of the Pandora at Zonchio. Much better attested is the second factor specifically mentioned by Pryor, the value of crossbowmen in sea battles. In the following year he was at sea with Lord Berkeley off Milford Haven to prevent help coming by sea from France for Owen Glendower’s rebellion. Winchelsea may have been used as much as Portsmouth. Ashtor, E., Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1983. Saladin was content to accept that Askelon should be destroyed and left uninhabited, its anchorage unavailable to either side. The city committed itself to paying ‘reasonable’ hire costs and the full cost of any losses due to the war. When the enemy contemptuously rejected this claim, hostilities commenced with the use of both guns and crossbows by the enemy and heavy casualties on the English side. Richmond, ‘The Earl of Warwick’s domination’ 40 C.F. As a scouting galley charged with trying to keep track of the enemy she scoured the seas; thus before the battle itself, in December 1351, this galley sailed more or less continually up and down the Sea of Marmara from Cap Greco south of Gallipoli to Erekli. 15 R.W. The last major naval battle in which galleys were employed was the Battle of Lepanto II, fought off the coast of southwestern Greece on October 7, 1571, between the Ottoman Turks, under the command of Ali Pala (died 1616), and the Christian forces, under the command of Don Juan de Austria (1547-1578), half-brother of King Philip II of Spain (1527-1598). I, p. 50. Hillgarth, J.N., ‘El Problemo del Imperio Catalano-Aragonese (1229–1327)’, Anuario de estudios medievales, 10, 1980. It is also clear that the skills of seamen not only in general navigation but also in the specialist handling of ships in action had increased. The triangular lateen sails, adopted from those of the Arab dhows, permitted the galleas to sail nearly straight into the wind, impossible with square sails. 28 The date of 1405 has been suggested but this raises some problems as both Bordeaux and Bayonne are said to be French ports in the text. 42 C. Bréard, op. Cleves makes clear that a sea battle could go on for one or two days and nights and therefore a reserve of fresh men was essential.31 Cleves then makes suggestions on how to protect a ship against the effects of cannon fire. To the English it was a further demonstration of the superiority of their ships and seamen; the Spanish has lost vessels and had had to flee from their determined and persistent attackers. The elder John was mayor of Dartmouth many times and an MP but he was also in trouble over goods seized at sea from foreign merchants in the reign of Richard II and in that of Henry IV when compensation was demanded in the courts for cargoes of olive oil and wine valued at £398 and £210. E 364/ 61, 65, 69, 73, 76. Pryor points out that there is no consensus at all among the various chronicles concerning the details of this battle.65 Muntaner states that Lauria’s forces were beached for the night but came out when the mast top lanterns of the French were seen out at sea at day break. 22–3. The number of vessels whether Angevin or Aragonese involved in an action can be either a matter of some uncertainty or wildly exaggerated.61 Lauria, for example, is credited at the battle of Naples with luring the fleet of Charles of Salerno out from the relative safety of his anchorage at Naples, apparently against the express orders of his father, Charles of Anjou, largely by the tactic of a feigned flight towards Castellamare.62 A tactic like this could have been decided on in advance at a council of commanders but once battle was joined communication between the admiral and his subordinate commanders would have been extremely difficult. The records of Genoa and Venice contain a great deal of material on maritime matters but in neither city are what we would call ‘naval’ matters separated from those concerned with trading ships and voyages at this period. An invading force, however, was far more likely to be defeated on land than at sea. There is no reason per se why the same term used in, say, the sixth century and the tenth, should not have been used with reference to quite different ship types. However we need to remember that the Guiscards, the most prominent of the Norman conquerors of Sicily also turned their attention to the eastern shores of the Adriatic invading Albania in 1085 and were seen as hostile and dangerous by the Greeks even if fellow Christians. This is most clearly seen in the case of the Earl of Warwick, but the Duke of Burgundy and the king of France were also prepared to provide naval forces to support their favoured candidate for the English throne. Laures, F.F., ‘The warships of the Kings of Aragon and their fighting tactics during the 13th and 14th centuries AD, ‘The International Journal of Nautical Archeaology and Underwater Exploration, 16, 1987. A. Tenenti and U. Tucci), Rome, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1991, p.151. He is not alone in suggesting that this tactic was used; other mentions can be found in northern waters, for example, in the verse description of the battle of Zierikzee in 130415 and some accounts of Sluys in 134816. Chroniclers are not usually interested in this kind of administrative information and more mundane institutional sources have not survived. At sea, the succession of the dromon to the Roman bireme liburna and its predecessors, especially the Greek trieres, has been presented in the conventional historiography of the maritime history of the Mediterranean as marking a transition from Rome to Byzantium. Equally for Venice successful war at sea had an important element of community support. There are also more personal papers, memoirs and reports which allow a clearer view of the intentions or orders of commanders even if the fog of war still hangs thickly over the events of many battles. Richmond, ‘The Earl of Warwick’s domination’, p. 7. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, p. 87. It could, in fact, be seen as surprising that the Fatimid navy was not more effective in opposing the Franks in Outremer. and trans. Through them he was well aware of the Crown’s plans. As Charles VI of France became increasingly unable to deal with the burdens of royal rule and Henry IV attempted to establish 73 M E D I E V A L N AVA L WA R F A R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 himself securely on the throne naval concerns seemed to have faded into the background of public life. Lane notes that the Venetians fought wars not to gain territory but to ‘effect political arrangements which would be disadvantageous to rival sea powers … and which would gain them trading privileges permitting commercial expansion into new areas’. On the stocks she must have been an imposing sight and launching her must have been a tricky operation but there is no indication of precisely where this took place in the town or its environs. Lewis, A.R., ‘Byzantine and Moslem shipping in the Mediterranean, 500–1250’, American Neptune, 47, 1987. E101/24/1. In many cases, however, there might well be an element of official condonation at the very least. Here the king attempted to reassert English rule over the territories lost by his father particularly in Poitou and Gascony. Again the order is issued that no vessel or group of vessels can break off the engagement without express permission; moreover attacks on individual enemy ships must follow the plan decided on and not be left, as it were, to private enterprise. Gairdner, J. 37–9. (ed. 24 F.W. On the one hand, from the sixth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantines and others certainly referred to some kinds of war galleys by the name dromo2n. Balard has in fact calculated that 56 per cent of the cost of the whole campaign went on provisions.14 The accounts also allow some view of the difficulties in manning galleys, while the register from Lecavalla’s ship, because it usually records her whereabouts, allows a reasonably accurate picture to be gained of the course she followed. 29 N.A.M. Henry V’s will had treated the royal ships as his personal possessions and directed that they should be sold to pay his debts. The sea blockade was essential to this and it can be argued that the whole campaign is a clear demonstration of the advantages of naval forces, well-led and deployed with conviction. Imad ad-Din’s comment on this disaster is also revealing in its attitudes to naval matters. An individual city could attempt to protect its merchants and their ships by organising convoys, having watch towers on the coast, sending warnings about the presence of raiders to neighbouring towns, or even owning or renting a ‘municipal’ war galley. Sanudo, M., I diarii di Marino Sanuto, Bologna, Forni Editore, 1969–70. France itself, ruled by a king plagued with periods of insanity, was preoccupied, as had been the case for some time, with the growing tensions between various parties at court rather than with the demands of naval defence. 5 J.H. 9, 1983. 82–7. E. Monsen) Cambridge Saga IX, Cambridge, W. Heffer and Sons, 1932, pp. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Great Britain, Vol. Much of this reads like a rationalisation of the position in the Channel between England and France in the second half of the fifteenth century which has been described in Chapter 6 with semiofficial piracy taking the place of naval warfare on a grand scale. E364/43. 40 T.B. cit., p. 109. Stories of rape and murder circulated fuelling the atmosphere of fear all along the coast. Though known, at different periods, by a variety of names and with a variety of ways of arranging the banks of oars and the rowers’ benches, the general type of vessel is remarkably similar, a vessel long in comparison with its beam with a shallow hull and a low freeboard. Dufourq, C.-E., ‘Chrétiens et Musulmans durant les derniers siècles du Moyen Age’, Anuario de estudios medievales, 10, 1980. To Pryor a common feature of the battles is also the clear tactical thinking of Lauria as demonstrated in the actions of the Aragonese fleet and the close control that he seemed to have over his fellow galley commanders. All the ships were taken; some of the prisoners were executed at Mina at the time of the next pilgrimage. In 1266 Obertino Doria hoped to capture the entire Venetian muda from Romania off Modon but was driven away by the very heavy escort of armed galleys with the traders. The action which ensued was the first in a series of encounters between the ships of the two city states which was to last for over 100 years.6 Are there any common features to these encounters which can contribute to our understanding of naval warfare? While all this was happening the ships and their crews would have been very vulnerable to attack from the defenders of the shore in a contested landing. J.H. ), Alcuni Documenti Inediti di Carlo I d’Angoio in Materia Marinara, Naples 1871, p. 25, in R. Filangieri (ed.) Runciman goes into full details of the negotiations and conflicts between all the parties involved, Shia Syrians, Sunni Egyptians, the Franks of Outremer and the Byzantine Greeks. The events of the battle are unusually well recorded. New ship types with new fighting methods begin to dominate the Channel and the North Atlantic. Guilmartin, Gunpowder and Galleys: Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century’, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1974, p. 86. 23–4. 3 Sir J. Fortescue, The Governance of England (ed. In the end, however Harald and his men went ‘up on king Swein’s ship and it was so thoroughly cleared that every man fell except those who leapt into the sea’.4 Both these battles took place in the sheltered waters of fjords on the east coast of Denmark but are more complex encounters than might be thought. Unger has attributed ‘the pattern of development in naval administration’ to ‘advances in ship design’.2 Can the same be said of the tactics and strategy employed in war at sea? Clearly Southampton could be called the base for the royal ships but nothing like the arsenals of the Mediterranean or even the Clos des galées at Rouen existed. It might have, (and by the end of the period always had) a mast or masts often rigged with lateen sails to provide an alternative means of propulsion. If an enclosed fortified anchorage was created it was often used as much by merchant ships as state warships. With winter now upon them it might have been expected that there would be no attempt at any 104 V E N E T I A N S, G E N O E S E A N D T U R K S engagement until the spring brought calmer seas. The word itself is normally used of a dam or sluice raising the possibility that there was at Portsmouth an enclosed dock with a lock gate controlling the entry and exit of the ships (mainly galleys in this case). The intermittent, opportunistic taking of vulnerable vessels and their cargoes by both sides flared into a more serious conflict when a Venetian fleet of armed galleys sent east under the command of Marco Ruzzini to deal with a quarrel over trading rights at Tana caught about 14 Genoese galleys in the harbour of Castro near Negroponte and took ten. To some extent English victories in the Channel from 1416–19 might seem to demonstrate the success of this policy although, as we shall see, smaller English royal ships also played their part. 48–9. Gabrieli, F., Arab Historians of the Crusades, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969. Eventually he ‘cleared the ship (Svein’s) and so he did one ship after the other’. Babcock and A.C. Krey), New York, Columbia University Press, 1943, Vol. They include the battle in the Bay of Naples in June 1284, that off the Catalan coast probably near the islands of Las Hormigas in September 1285, the socalled battle of the Counts in June 1287 and a battle off Cape Orlando in July 1299 and off Ponzo in June 1300. Ford, op. ‘le occurentie di presenti tempi’, ASV, Senato Mar, Regeste 14, 1493–99, f. 181v. 44 J.H. The ambivalence of merchants and the seafaring community in general to the issue of piracy seems evident here. (ed. We can point to the continuing wars between Byzantium and the advancing forces of Islam and the intensification of this kind of warfare which was brought about by the First and subsequent Crusades. The Zwyn at Damme was already a very shallow anchorage (the town is nowadays some distance from the sea) and it seems that some of the French ships were beached. 69 A. Merlin-Chazelas, op. topcastle The fighting platform from which missiles could be thrown at the top of a mast. The Spanish edition is El Victorial, (ed. The next morning the Castilians set fire to the English ships and all were burnt out with Pembroke, some other lords and the treasure chests falling into their hands. Rose, S. Each city state wished to secure privileges for its traders in the lucrative trade with the East and in the safest ports and anchorages in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Its concentration on a naval battle is unusual since as has been pointed out (by J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, vol. 13 J.H. Pages 172 The main source for the battle itself is Matthew Paris who was himself told the story long after the event by de Burgh. Spanish consternation at the strength of the tides, particularly the tidal race at the entrance to Chita also hints at the difficulties of operating galleys in northern waters.13 The account of an action in the Channel later the same summer is even richer in details of the way galleys and other ships were handled in battle. cit., p. 73. 62–3. 636–51, that they cannot be regarded as an essential part of the naval strength of England. According to the chronicler, the king directed his shipmaster to steer straight for one of the enemy ships and hit it in such a way that one of the Spanish topcastles was sheered from the mast. They took those ships together with much war equipment …’.5 Boarding and taking another vessel at sea was never wholly without danger either to the crews or to the ships involved. The evidence for the tactics pursued in sea battles in the medieval period is, however, not always easy to assess. Did rulers largely depend on the resources established by the maritime trading community or did something approaching the modern concept of a naval dockyard emerge by the end of our period? Even if the closing stages were marked by boarding actions the exchange of fire, whether by bowmen or by those operating the big catapaults, was of great importance. Waites, B., ‘The Medieval Ports and Trade of North-East Yorkshire’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 63, 1977. 4 Collins Albatross Book of Verse (ed. ), The Paston Letters, 3 vols, Edinburgh, John Grant, 1910. This port of entry had been taken by Henry V the previous year but was now under siege with the garrison suffering badly from lack of supplies and much reduced by disease. The organisation required to put together the transport 59 M E D I E V A L N AVA L WA R F A R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 for an expedition overseas was very considerable. Brooks, The English Naval Forces, 1199–1272, London, A. Venetians wished and expected a fleet to be a disciplined force where adherence to orders was of greater importance than individual flair or elan in attacking the enemy. L.F. Stelten), New York, Peter Lang, 1990. 148 BIBLIOGRAPHY Tinniswood, J.T., ‘English galleys, 1272–1377’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 35, 1949. His ambitious scheme which envisages that a king of Aragon would have 100 galleys at his disposal would be achievable ‘through care and good management’. 35 A. Merlin-Chazelas, op. A feigned flight could credibly have been decided on in advance, as has been said, but to imagine that a medieval galley fleet could then have turned as a unit to form a battle line in a crescent moon formation to face a pursuing enemy seems doubtful. Guilmartin, J.F., Gunpowder and Galleys: Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1974. 2 B. Kreutz, ‘Ships, shipping, and the implications of change in the early medieval Mediterranean’, Viator, 7, 1976, p. 87. Carr Laughton, L.G., ‘The Roccafortis of Venice, 1268’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 42, 1956. Pisani followed them but eventually received orders from Venice to avoid battle with Doria since he was now outnumbered and a peace treaty was in the offing. 38 H. Ahrweiler, ‘Course et Piraterie dans la Mediterranée aux IVième–XVième siècles (Empire Byzantin)’, in Course et Piraterie, Paris, 1975. Possession or control of the Balearic Islands or the Straits of Gibraltar was of great strategic importance while the islands of Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily also loomed large in the calculations of local rulers. Lane Venice: A Maritime Republic, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973, p. 163. The first naval battle in which Lauria was involved as commander or admiral (Muntaner always refers to Lauria by this title) took place in the Grand Harbour of Malta on 8 July 1283. All were generally known as ‘arsenale’ even if on a much smaller scale. 28–56. If Lauria’s fleet could engage the enemy in these conditions, it is a great tribute to the skills of Catalan seamen. The most serious raid was probably that on Southampton in October 1338. 15 This action in the Channel is no 17, pp. In fact by 1502 Venice had lost all its bases in the Morea. At least as important is also the configuration of the coastline, straits and islands, sandbanks and shallows, all of which had great strategic importance and considerable influence on the location and even the outcome, on occasion, of battles fought at sea. Second, it is plain that the English ships were all round ships, probably small cogs (the order for the requisitioning of ships for Pembroke’s voyage mentions vessels of less than 50 tuns burden with only three larger escorts with ‘castles’). This was the situation in the case of Symon Rydoul of Amiens in c.1426. Establishing greater control over the mainland would ensure that enclaves like Modon and Coron would soon be removed from Venetian control and in Turkish hands. How did medieval states deal with these problems? Nicholas, D., Medieval Flanders, London, Longman, 1992. Naval tactics, compared with the use made of fleets in the Mediterranean, seemed to have developed little since the days of the ‘great ships’ in the early years of the century. This could accommodate a large number of galleys either being built or refitted. M. Chiaudano and M. Moresco), Rome, Nelle sede del’Istituto, 1935. 2–4. The Venetians defeated a larger force of Genoese galleys off Acre in 1258, near Settepozzi (Spetsai) in 1263 and Trapani in 1266. Neither Aragon nor Castile had quite as many galleys available to their rulers as has sometimes been claimed. The Venetians who, with the Knights of St John from Rhodes, the only other naval power of consequence active in these waters, were faced with a new and aggressive opponent; an opponent who, unlike the Genoese, controlled the greater part of the interior of the Balkans. Conversely, if a name faded from use in the texts in a certain period, then this indicates that the type of ship to which it referred had disappeared. By the mid fourteenth century the Aragonese naval ordinances of the Admiral Bernat de Cabrera stipulated that the normal complement of a galley should include 156 oarsmen, 30 crossbowmen, and 30 ‘others’ including the officers, a total of 223 men. None of the Italian merchant states desired their support for the crusaders to make it difficult for them to continue trading with the Fatimid rulers of Egypt. Pisani got back safely to the city only to be thrown into prison by the exasperated Senate. I, p. 103. 62 M. Oppenheim (ed. In northern waters, there is less evidence of widespread interest in more distant landfalls, but even so the Iceland route, well known to Scandinavians, was explored mainly by mariners from English east coast ports. Lady Goodenough), London, Hakluyt Society, 2 vols, 1920–1. In any kind of a sea the vessels were in danger of swamping, while there was little if any shelter for the rowers. 56 R. Muntaner, Chronicle, p. 51. Wood, A.B., ‘The Mediterranean galley and her rig’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 6, 1920. 13 The biography of Don Pero Niño by his standard bearer Gutierre Diez de Gamez, El Victorial, has been published in its entirety in Spanish by Juan de Mata Carriaga (ed. 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